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I campaigned and fundraised for Obama from I was an enthusiastic supporter, if not quite an Obamaniac. His rhetoric and later his story I ran out and bought Dreams From My Father immediately resonated so much with my own background.

That and Barack Obama and my own name are as equally different and un-American as names, can get and yet we both embraced and found ourselves benefiting from the American Dream.

I recap all of this for two reasons: The shrillness and opposition toward Obama that came from many gay men amounted to the kind of diva worship usually reserved for Madonna and Cher.

From the night of the election onward, through every month of the transition, up through the inauguration, the enthusiasm and excitement, the thrill of this historic moment has been undermined by the most dire of circumstances: But this weekend, to my most cynical of souls, something magic happened.

He went on to expound and push the boundaries of the speech in unexpected directions. To be clear, President Obama did not exactly use those words.

Drawing a line between the long, painful struggle of black Americans to the festering frustration of gay Americans that his administration has not done enough for them, Obama said: The rhetoric was striking.

Maybe it was the winning of the Nobel Peace Prize the day before which he has been rightly criticized for receiving given his relative lack of any substantial change.

But what Oslo intended, I believe, is something they often used the prize for, a platform and tactile endorsement of his rhetoric that could manifest itself as self-fulfilling prophecy.

And according to Nobel: If there is some inherit hypocrisy then this is something that has been around since the beginning of this award.

This is after all, the Peace Prize named for the man who invented dynamite. But what I saw among the crowd Sunday and the speakers and in particular the eloquent speech by the screenwriter and I think maybe an emerging political dynamo Dustin Lance Black most famous for winning the Oscar for the screenplay for MILK was astounding, aspirational and inclusive all at the same time; I felt for the first time truly at home.

Chad Allen sent a text message and Facebook update with the picture at left moments after Black spoke: I love you all!

We had come and represented ourselves in all our stripes yet put our best foot forward. I have never felt a real sense of solidarity with the LGBT community.

The analogies offered by both academics and talking heads often fell flat to me but I was unable to articulate why. The idea is banal in its simplicity, yet profoundly compelling and it was the first time anyone had put their finger on the uniqueness of our situation.

Sir Ian too was convinced and signed on. I bring this up because for a long time I did not care about Prop 8 or gay marriage in general. This started with my fundamental feelings about the history of and the institution itself.

One that I felt that was antiquated, sexist and obsolete in a consumer culture where romantic love is often a commodity to be traded.

The term marriage is so closely bound to religion and the church in this age that it presented a double-sided not easily won argument.

While openly gay Christians like Andrew Sullivan were at war with the church and marriage and sought to reconcile them, I believed the church to be something preposterous and not worthy of a progressive modern debate.

Clearly a graver threat to the republic than that of two dudes getting hitched in Hawaii or New Paltz. I thought the symbolic importance of Obama far outweighed the issue of gay marriage and even though I knew it was being funded by out of state Mormons and the media was often blaming churchgoing pro-Obama African Americans as one of the leading reasons for the failure to overturn the proposition, I knew the truth and the manipulation that framed this argument.

At any rate in the year since much has changed. And it gave me hope. It gave me the hope one day I could live my life openly as who I am and then maybe even I could even fall in love and one day get married.

I wanna thank my mom, who has always loved me for who I am even when there was pressure not to. But the Dustin Lance Black who took the stage today was less thankful and more forceful powerfully arguing that no major civil rights changes had ever been done without the intervention of the federal government that if left to the states very little would have changed for most marginalized peoples.

We must remember that it was the decision of the courts to legalize interracial marriage, the decision of a president to abolish slavery and the decision of another president to abolish segregation in the armed forces.

If any of these things had been left to individual states: Does it develop his points enough to allow them to be persuasive?

What examples does Levin use to construct his argument? What comparisons does he make? What ultimate point does he make about the use of torture by a nation such as the United States?

How would his essay need to be revised if it were to be published today? What changes would you make and why?

Why or why not? Where does Levin appeal to reason in his essay? Where does he appeal to emotion? Which is most effective, in your opinion, and why?

How does Levin, in his argument built around reason and emotion, build to his final paragraph? And do you agree or disagree with his final points?

But is emotional logic enough? If a terrorist plans to attack a free nation of laws by killing millions of its citizens, what does it mean for the nation if its legal representative breaks its laws in order to save the lives of those millions?

Lives are saved, but is the nation saved? There are nations that allow what the United States considers torture of suspected criminals such as terrorists.

Yet the information gained through torture is frequently flawed or fabricated, according to experts. Where does the United States stand, legally, on the issue of torture?

Before entering politics, he worked as a radio sports announcer, movie and television actor, and head of the Screen Actors Guild.

This and other speeches are available in Speaking My Mind: The implications of this for the present are two: Would you agree that either of these assertions is true?

Thank you very much. Thank you, Paul for that kind introduction. Chairman, delegates, friends, fellow Americans, thank you so very much for that welcome.

And now, once again tonight, as private citizen Ronald Reagan. Tonight is a very special night for me.

Indeed, according to the experts, I have exceeded my life expectancy by quite a few years. Now, this is a source of great annoyance to some, especially those in the Democratic party.

I have seen the birth of communism and the death of communism. I have seen Germany united, divided and united again.

I have seen television grow from a parlor novelty to become the most powerful vehicle of communication in history. As a man, I have met men who walked on the moon.

For while I take inspiration from the past, like most Americans, I live for the future. So this evening, for just a few minutes, I hope you will let me talk about a country that is forever young.

There was a time when empires were defined by land mass, subjugated peoples, and military might. For two hundred years we have been set apart by our faith in the ideals of democracy, of free men and free markets, and of the extraordinary possibilities that lie within seemingly ordinary men and women.

We believe that no power of government is as formidable a force for good as the creativity and entrepreneurial drive of the American people. Those are the ideals that invented revolutionary technologies and a culture envied by people everywhere.

This powerful sense of energy has made America synonymous for opportunity the world over. No transition is without its problems, but as uncomfortable as it may feel at the moment, the changes of the s will leave America more dynamic and less in danger than at any time in my life.

My friends, I utterly reject those views. We were meant to be masters of destiny, not victims of fate. And who could possibly have so little faith in our American people that they would trade our tomorrow for our yesterday?

They put on quite a production in New York a few weeks ago. Over and over they told us they were not the party they were. And they call me an actor!

All right, thank you. It was a world where our children came of age under the threat of nuclear holocaust.

It was a world where our leaders told us that standing up to aggressors was dangerous, that American might and determination were somehow obstacles to peace.

But we stood tall and proclaimed that communism was destined for the ash-heap of history. We never heard so much ridicule from our liberal friends.

The only thing that got them more upset was two simple words: The only thing that would fall was the Berlin Wall. You cannot strengthen the weak by weakening the strong.

You cannot help the wage-earner by pulling down the wage-payer. You cannot help the poor by destroying the rich. You cannot help men permanently by doing for them what they could and should do for themselves.

If we ever hear the Democrats quoting that passage by Lincoln and acting like they mean it, then my friends, we will know that the opposition has really changed.

But listen to me. He was a friend of mine. But where they see only problems, I see possibilities as vast and diverse as the American family itself.

Even as we meet, the rest of the world is astounded by the pundits and fingerpointers who are so down on us as a nation.

Our proudest moments are yet to be. Our most glorious achievements are just ahead. And yet tomorrow might never have happened had we lacked the courage in the s to chart a course of strength and honor.

The stakes are high. The presidency is serious business. We cannot afford to take a chance. And tonight I come to tell you that I warmly, genuinely, wholeheartedly support the reelection of George Bush as President of the United States.

We know President Bush. By his own admission, he is a quiet man, not a showman. He is a trustworthy and level-headed leader who is respected around the world.

We need George Bush! We need our vice president, Dan Quayle. What we should change is a Democratic Congress that wastes precious time on partisan matters of absolutely no relevance to the needs of the average American.

For 50 of the last 60 years, the Democrats have controlled the Senate. It is time to clean house, to clean out the privileges and perks, clean out the arrogance and the big egos, clean out the scandals, the corner-cutting and the foot-dragging.

Now just change what they would do if they controlled the Executive Branch, too! This is the 21st presidential election in my lifetime, the 16th in which I will cast a ballot.

Each of those elections had its shifting moods of the moment, its headlines of one day that were forgotten the next. There have been a few more twists and turns this year than in others, a little more shouting about who was up or down, in or out, as we went about selecting our candidates.

Now is the time for choosing. As it did twelve years ago, and as we have seen many times in history, our country stands at a crossroads.

There is widespread doubt about our public institutions and profound concern, not merely about the economy but about the overall direction of this great country.

And as they did then, the American people are clamoring for change and sweeping reform. The kind of question we had to ask twelve years ago is the question we ask today, what kind of change can we Republicans offer the American people?

Well nothing could be more tragic, after having come all this way on the journey of renewal we began 12 years ago, then if America herself forgot the lessons of individual liberty that she has taught to a grateful world.

We are the country of tomorrow. Our revolution did not end at Yorktown. More than two centuries later, America remains on a voyage of discovery, a land that has never become, but is always in the act of becoming.

But just as we have led the crusade for democracy beyond our shores, we have a great task to do together in our own home. Now, I would appeal to you to invigorate democracy in your own neighborhoods.

Whether we come from poverty or wealth; whether we are AfroAmerican or Irish-American; Christian or Jewish, from the big cities or small towns, we are all equal in the eyes of God.

But as Americans, that is not enough. We must be equal in the eyes of each other. We can no longer judge each other on the basis of what we are, but must, instead, start finding out who we are.

In America, our origins matter less than our destinations and that is what democracy is all about. Every day brings fresh challenges and opportunities to match.

With each sunrise we are reminded that millions of our citizens have yet to share in the abundance of American prosperity.

Many languish in neighborhoods riddled with drugs and bereft of hope. Still others hesitate to venture out on the streets for fear of criminal violence.

Let us pledge ourselves to a new beginning for them. Let us apply our ingenuity and remarkable spirit to revolutionize education in America so that everyone among us will have the mental tools to build a better life.

And let us harness the competitive energy that built America into rebuilding our inner cities so that real jobs can be created for those who live there and real hope can rise out of despair.

Let us strengthen our health care system so that Americans of all ages can be secure in their futures without the fear of financial ruin. And let us all renew our commitment, Renew our pledge to day by day, person by person, make our country and the world a better place to live.

I have always believed in you and in what you could accomplish for yourselves and for others. May each of you have the heart to conceive, the understanding to direct, and the hand to execute works that will make the world a little better for your having been here.

May all of you as Americans never forget your heroic origins, never fail to seek divine guidance, and never lose your natural, God-given optimism.

And God bless this country we love. How does his view of America contrast with the view of those who would argue against him?

Where and how does Ronald Reagan make references to American history, both recent and distant? Which of these points are most persuasive and why?

Which are least persuasive and why? How does Reagan use his own experiences, his first-person perspective, to organize his entire essay? How effective is this organization?

What makes this organization especially effective or ineffective for a speech made by this man at this time in this place?

How many of these kinds of words does Reagan use? Why are there so many of them in so many places? What events would you include?

Considering that the Republican candidate for President in , George H. Bush, lost the election, why did American voters favor William Jefferson Clinton in both the and elections?

What did Reagan perhaps leave out of his description of America, the Republican Party, and the Democratic Party that could account for the Republican loss?

Select one ad and, in a short essay, explain how the ad expresses the same view of America that Reagan expresses in his speech.

Born and raised in a family of migrant farm workers, Chavez began working in the fields at the age of 10 when his family lost their Arizona farm during the Great Depression.

He served in the U. The UFW has continued supporting farm workers in many states. Chavez is now celebrated in many parts of the country.

State workers in California have a paid holiday on his birthday, and Arizona, Colorado, and Texas also recognize the day. President Clinton awarded him a posthumous Presidential Medal of Freedom in Prereading Question Early in his address, made in , Chavez argues that America is at war both with its neighbors and with itself.

My friends, today we honor a giant among men; today we honor the reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. King was a powerful figure of destiny, of courage, of sacrifice, and of vision.

Few people in the long history of this nation can rival his accomplishment, his reason, or his selfless dedication to the cause of peace and social justice.

Today we honor a wise teacher, an inspiring leader, and a true visionary, but to truly honor Dr. King we must do more than say words of praise.

We must learn his lessons and put his views into practice, so that we may truly be free at last. King was a great activist, fighting for radical social change with radical methods.

While other people talked about change, Dr. King used direct action to challenge the system. He welcomed it, and used it wisely.

King was also radical in his beliefs about violence. He learned how to successfully fight hatred and violence with the unstoppable power of nonviolence.

He once stopped an armed mob, saying: We want to love our enemies. I want you to love our enemies.

Be good to them. This is what we live by. We must meet hate with love. If I am stopped, our work will not stop.

For what we are doing is right. What we are doing is just, and God is with us. The men who rule this country today never learned the lessons of Dr.

King, they never learned that non-violence is the only way to peace and justice. Our nation continues to wage war upon its neighbors, and upon itself.

The powers that be rule over a racist society, filled with hatred and ignorance. Our nation continues to be segregated along racial and economic lines.

The powers that be make themselves richer by exploiting the poor. Our nation continues to allow children to go hungry, and will not even house its own people.

The time is now for people, of all races and backgrounds, to sound the trumpets of change. The enemies of justice want you to think of Dr.

King as only a civil rights leader, but he had a much broader agenda. He was a tireless crusader for the rights of the poor, for an end to the war in Vietnam long before it was popular to take that stand, and for the rights of workers everywhere.

Many people find it convenient to forget that Martin was murdered while supporting a desperate strike on that tragic day in Memphis, Tennessee.

He died while fighting for the rights of sanitation workers. During my first fast in , Dr. King reminded me that our struggle was his struggle too.

A struggle for freedom, dignity, and for humanity. King was a disciple of Gandhi and Christ, we must now be Dr.

King challenged us to work for a greater humanity. I only hope that we are worthy of his challenge. Just recently, the experts are learning what farmworkers, and the truly organized farmers have known for years.

The prestigious National Academy of Sciences recently concluded an exhaustive five-year study which determined that pesticides do not improve profits and do not produce more crops.

What, then, is the effect of pesticides? Pesticides have created a legacy of pain, and misery, and death for farmworkers and consumers alike.

The crop which poses the greatest danger, and the focus of our struggle, is the table grape crop. These pesticides soak the fields.

They drift with the wind, pollute the water, and are eaten by unwitting consumers. These poisons are designed to kill, and pose a very real threat to consumers and farmworkers alike.

These poisons cause cancer, DNA mutation, and horrible birth defects. The Central Valley of California is one of the wealthiest agricultural regions in the world.

In its midst are clusters of children dying from cancer. The children live in communities surrounded by the grape fields that employ their parents.

The children come into contact with the poisons when they play outside, when they drink the water, and when they hug their parents returning from the fields.

And the children are dying. A few months ago, the parents of a brave little girl in the agricultural community of Earlimart came to the United Farm Workers to ask for help.

The Ramirez family knew about our protests in nearby McFarland and thought there might be a similar problem in Earlimart.

There are at least four other children suffering from cancer in the little town of Earlimart, a rate percent above normal.

In Earlimart, little Jimmy Candillo died recently from leukemia at the age of three. Three other young children in Earlimart, in addition to Jimmy and Natalie, are suffering from similar fatal diseases that the experts believe are caused by pesticides.

These same pesticides can be found on the grapes you buy in the stores. My friends, the suffering must end. So many children are dying, so many babies are born without limbs and vital organs, so many workers are dying in the fields.

We have no choice, we must stop the plague of pesticides. The growers responsible for this outrage are blinded by greed, by racism, and by power.

The same inhumanity displayed at Selma, at Birmingham, in so many of Dr. The farm labor system in place today is a system of economic slavery.

Our workers labor for many hours every day under the hot sun, often without safe drinking water or toilet facilities.

Our workers are constantly subjected to incredible pressures and intimidation to meet excessive quotas. When our workers complain, or try to organize, they are fired, assaulted, and even murdered.

Just as Bull Connor turned the dogs loose on nonviolent marchers in Alabama, the growers turn armed foremen on innocent farmworkers in California.

The stench of injustice in California should offend every American. My friends, if we are going to end the suffering, we must use the same people power that vanquished injustice in Montgomery, Selma, and Birmingham.

I have seen many boycotts succeed. King showed us the way with the bus boycott, and with our first boycott we were able to get DDT, Aldrin, and Dieldrin banned in our first contracts with grape growers.

Now, even more urgently we are trying to get deadly pesticides banned. The growers and their allies have tried to stop us for years with intimidation, with character assassination, with public relations campaigns, with outright lies, and with murder.

But those same tactics did not stop Dr. King, and they will not stop us. Once social change begins, it cannot be reversed.

You cannot uneducate the person who has learned to read. You cannot humiliate the person who feels pride. And you cannot oppress the people who are not afraid anymore.

In our life and death struggle for justice we have turned to the court of last resort: And the people are ruling in our favor.

As a result, grape sales keep falling. We have witnessed truckloads of grapes being dumped because no one would stop to buy them. As demand drops, so do prices and profits.

The growers are under tremendous economic pressure. We are winning, but there is still much hard work ahead of us. I hope that you will join our struggle.

The simple act of refusing to buy table grapes laced with pesticides is a powerful statement that the growers understand.

Economic pressure is the only language the growers speak, and they are beginning to listen. Please, boycott table grapes.

For your safety, for the workers, and for the children, we must act together. King realized that the only real wealth comes from helping others.

I challenge each and every one of you to be a true disciple of Dr. King, to be truly wealthy. I challenge you to carry on his work by vol- BORR.

Consider joining our movement because the farmworkers, and so many other oppressed peoples, depend on the unselfish dedication of its volunteers, people just like you.

Thousands of people have worked for our cause and have gone on to achieve success in many different fields. Our non-violent cause will give you skills that will last a lifetime.

King sounded the call for justice, the freedom riders answered the call in droves. I am giving you the same opportunity to join the same cause, to free your fellow human beings from the yoke of oppression.

I have faith that in this audience there are men and women with the same courage and the same idealism that put young Martin Luther King, Jr.

I challenge you to join the struggle of the United Farm Workers. Seek out the many outstanding leaders who will speak to you this week, and make a difference.

If we fail to learn that each and every person can make a difference, then we will have betrayed Dr. How does Chavez use Dr. King to organize his essay, to pulls its parts together and keep them connected?

What crop poses the greatest danger, according to Chavez, and why? Where does he use such terms and why? What tone do these terms set, overall?

What call to action is Chavez making, and where is he making it? How is he supporting this call, and how effective is this support?

Why would Cesar Chavez be regarded as an authority on the range of issues he addresses in his speech? What in his history gives him this perceived authority?

Since he has served on the National Council on the Humanities. History , Religion Returns to the Public Square: Faith and Policy in America , and more than 50 essays and articles.

He is currently working on a biography of the sociologist David Riesman. In particular, McClay uses the roles of Southern churches, both black and white, to show how integral religion is to American social and political change.

The Church of Civil Rights Prereading Question When you think of the s, especially of the civil rights movement, what images do you see on the movie screen in your mind?

Whose voices do you hear? What music do you think of and why? How does the Vietnam War figure into your images of the s and the civil rights movement, if it does at all?

Nearly a half-century has passed since the heyday of the early civil-rights movement, and race relations in America have grown far too complex to be reckoned by its simple compass.

But the campaign to undo the system of segregation in the South seems to have lost none of its moral appeal. If my own experience as a teacher is any guide, a sizable percentage of applicants for graduate study in U.

A surprising number of them set out with hopes of making the movement itself an object of their research. One wonders what fresh discoveries these earnest young scholars expect to happen upon in such a well-sifted field.

But that is beside the point. Clearly, a different kind of motivation is at work here, deeper than mere intellectual curiosity, political calculation, or professional ambition.

One cannot help being impressed by it, particularly since the prospective students themselves are nearly always white and economically privileged.

But neither is their choice free of self-regard. Reared in a world full of imperfect heroes and compromised ideals, in which their own wealth and ease fill them with ambivalence if not guilt, they seem to harbor a powerful need to redeem their lives through association with a cause they regard as incontrovertibly pure, simple, and noble.

By a similar process, for better or worse, the civil-rights movement has become a moral icon for American society as a whole, as well as for much of the rest of the world.

For better, because it was indeed an admirable BORR. This is not the fault of the movement itself.

Nor is it the only factor contributing to the widespread tendency to reduce the multifarious patterns of history to variations upon a few easily grasped arche types.

Nevertheless, that habit is as wrongheaded as it is tempting. How, then, to find our way back to a truer and more precise understanding of the movement and its place in American history?

One of the many virtues of David L. Prophetic Religion, Liberalism, and the Death of Jim Crow,1 is its insistence that we look carefully at the particulars of this great undertaking and the specific reasons it succeeded.

A briskly written volume by a professor of history at the University of Arkansas, feisty in tone but impressive in its scholarly documentation, A Stone of Hope stands back from the welter of comment accumulated over the past 50 years and asks some refreshingly direct and simple questions.

How and why did this great cultural change happen? Why did the dominant liberalism of the Democratic party contribute so little, and so late, to the effort?

Where did black Southerners find the inspiration to rebel against a massively entrenched social system? And why did their white Southern opponents turn out to be so surprisingly weak?

The short answer to each of these four questions can be put in a single word: Instead, it was primarily a high-octane religious revival, full of prophetic utterances and messianic expectations, which had the effect, almost as a byproduct, of leading to profound political and social change.

Their untroubled confidence in the inevitable triumph of their own ideas, Chappell believes, ironically made them complacent and unwilling to act decisively.

The biblical view of man and God and sin and suffering and humility and redemption was, for those black Southerners, their chief sustenance, their spiritual meat and drink, their everyday solace and their hope for the end-times.

Without the primal, driving force of their deep religious convictions, Chappell contends, the civil-rights movement would never have begun to move. Most standard accounts of the movement do give a good deal of space to its religious elements, even if they often tend not entirely without reason to emphasize the black church as a political and social institution rather than as a religious one.

Martin Luther King Jr. He himself has a certain prophetic impatience with the inevitable messiness and compromise of electoral politics, an impatience that is one of those ambivalent legacies of the movement itself.

Nor does Chappell adequately stress the fact that many key players in the intellectual leadership of the movement, including Bayard Rustin and Robert Moses, espoused views that did not line up with the evangelical Protestantism of King.

This book, in short, is not without flaws, and in a number of respects may well turn out to be a corrective in need of correction.

But what makes A Stone of Hope a truly exciting and important intellectual breakthrough is not its claims about the religiosity of the movement itself.

This has been a long time in coming. It is frequently assumed, for example, that in this great cultural conflict, each side devised its own self-contained and self-confirming version of the Christian faith.

As Chappell points out, even though most white Southern Protestant churches were still aligned with the same sectionalist denominations that had been created a century earlier by the Civil War, they were by and large unsupportive of the segregationist cause.

In some cases, this unsupportiveness took the form of outright and unambiguous opposition. Thus, the denominational assemblies of the Southern Baptists and Southern Presbyterians went on the record with resolutions strongly favoring desegregation.

MCCLAY The Church of Civil Rights Graham was admirably consistent in his opposition to racial segregation from the very beginning of his career, both in his public utterances and in his private and personal behavior.

Elsewhere, to be sure, the picture was different. Far from repudiating segregation, white churches characteristically adopted an attitude of quiet, passive, evasive neutrality.

This naturally frustrated King, though it also fed his hopeful conviction that the majority of white Southerners could eventually be won over to his position.

In any event, as Chappell perceptively notes, the muted response of white Southern clergy also frustrated the segregationists, leaving them disabled in crucial ways.

And that made all the difference. It permeated the field of forces, as essential a feature of the battle as the air the antagonists breathed. And it determined the outcome: For all its shortcomings, the United States has always had such a shared moral framework, grounded not merely in abstract ideas of human rights and individual liberty but also in a longer and deeper heritage of biblical narratives, tropes, parables, and moral wisdom.

This is one reason why our own struggles and triumphs are so difficult to replicate in the rest of the world. On all of these hard-fought issues one can find both religious and secular rationales being advanced, but the two sets of justifications are also mutually supportive and even intermingle to an extent unthinkable in other cultures.

That congruency is a key element in the genius of American politics, as of American religion. It is not always logical, but it frequently makes good sense.

Of course, in each of these cases and especially slavery and suffrage. Sometimes, moreover, religious and secular arguments for reform may be united in their mistakenness: Nothing in life is foolproof.

They are required to pass muster with, so to speak, a bicameral body politic. This fact also has profound implications for the larger meanings we have allowed ourselves to derive from the civil-rights movement.

Whatever the outcome of that debate, it will never further the cause of reconciliation. If, in the area of race relations, it makes no sense to abstract the movement from its relationship to its larger religious context, the same goes for its use as an analogy in other contexts.

Two of the most contentious issues of recent years have been abortion and gay marriage. In both cases, not BORR. This tactic has been enormously costly, Even today, three decades after Roe v.

Wade, the cause of unrestricted abortion rights stands largely on the acts of unelected judges and on the morally unimpressive principle of stare decisis.

One can safely predict that the issue will continue to be a source of social division in the years to come. Proponents of gay marriage, for their part, also invoke the civil-rights movement as precedent, comparing proscriptions against same-sex unions to anti-miscegenation laws and other forms of discrimination.

But there is a reason why no subgroup registers more negatively on this issue in opinion surveys than blacks. It is not just that they know when their movement is being hijacked.

It is that the religious sensibility that animated the civil-rights movement, and that is still very much alive in the American black community today, is bound up in a biblical world view that would no more countenance the radical redefinition of marriage than it would the reimposition of slavery.

Their conception of freedom was inseparable not only from their rootedness in their own particular place and time but in obedience to the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.

None of this is meant to imply that the religious are always right, or should have supervisory power over all social change, any more than should the federal and state judiciaries.

It is merely to recognize the longstanding and indispensable place of religion in the American experiment, and the high price to be paid when it is sundered from the cause of social change.

What point does McClay make in paragraph 2 about race and the study of the civil rights movement? How does this point connect with his overall argument in the remainder of the essay?

What four questions does McClay use to organize his essay? How and where does he ask each? How and where does he answer each question?

How does McClay connect Christianity with the civil rights movement? How effectively does this connection work in his essay?

Which is least persuasively argued and why? How do you know? Who would be least likely to agree with McClay, other than Chappell?

How would Martin Luther King, Jr. Thinking of the American war in Iraq alone, Saddam Hussein was often referred to as an incarnation of Hitler, his deliberate and large-scale killing of ethnic minorities such as Kurds as a Holocaust, and the political and military situation of the United States and its allies is frequently and unfavorably compared to Vietnam.

But what other examples can you think of? Where do your ideas and images of the civil rights movement differ from his? Searching online or in your library, find a review of David L.

Rauch is a writer-in-residence at the Brookings Institution, an independent think-tank in Washington, D. Why Washington Stopped Working Rauch also has a book on the topic, Gay Marriage: The most personal information on his Web site is that he dislikes shrimp.

Bush even expressed some support for such an amendment. In your opinion, is such an amendment necessary to define marriage?

Last November the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts ruled that excluding gay couples from civil marriage violated the state constitution.

Some legislators mounted efforts to amend the state constitution to ban same-sex marriage, but as of this writing they have failed and even if passed, a ban would not take effect until at least With unexpected urgency the country faces the possibility that marriage licenses might soon be issued to homosexual couples.

To hear the opposing sides talk, a national culture war is unavoidable. But same-sex marriage neither must nor should be treated as an allor-nothing national decision.

First, it would give the whole country a chance to learn. But civil unions are not marriages. The only way to find out what would happen if samesex couples got marriage certificates is to let some of us do it.

Turning marriage into a nationwide experiment might be rash, but trying it in a few states would provide test cases on a smaller scale.

Would the divorce rate rise? Would the marriage rate fall? We should get some indications before long. Moreover, states are, as the saying goes, the laboratories of democracy.

One state might opt for straightforward legalization. A third might combine same-sex marriage with counseling or other assistance not out of line with a growing movement to offer socialservice support to so-called fragile families.

Variety would help answer some important questions: Where would gay marriage work best? What kind of community support would it need? What would be the avoidable pitfalls?

Either to forbid same-sex marriage nationwide or to legalize it nationwide would be to throw away a wealth of potential information.

Just as important is the social benefit of letting the states find their own way. Law is only part of what gives marriage its binding power, community support and social expectations are just as important.

Both the couple and the community would be shortchanged. Finally, the political benefit of a state-by-state approach is not to be underestimated.

This is the benefit of avoiding a national culture war. The United States is not thank goodness a culturally homogeneous country.

It consists of many distinct moral communities. Individuals and groups who find the values or laws of one state obnoxious have the right to live somewhere else.

Wade decision created a textbook example of what can happen when this federalist principle is ignored. If the Supreme Court had not stepped in, abortion would today be legal in most states but not all; prolifers would have the comfort of knowing they could live in a state whose law was compatible with their views.

Instead of endlessly confronting a cultural schism that affects every Supreme Court nomination, we would see occasional local flare-ups in state legislatures or courtrooms.

America is a stronger country for the moral diversity that federalism uniquely allows. Moral law and family law govern the most intimate and, often, the most controversial spheres of life.

For the sake of domestic tranquillity, domestic law is best left to a level of government that is close to home.

So well suited is the federalist system to the gay-marriage issue that it might almost have been set up to handle it. In a new land whose citizens followed different religious traditions, it would have made no sense to centralize marriage or family law.

And so marriage has been the domain of local law not just since the days of the Founders but since Colonial times, before the states were BORR. To my knowledge, the federal government has overruled the states on marriage only twice.

The second time was in , when the Supreme Court, in Loving v. Virginia, struck down sixteen states bans on interracial marriage.

Here the Court said not that marriage should be defined by the federal government but only that states could not define marriage in ways that violated core constitutional rights.

On the one occasion when Congress directly addressed same-sex marriage, in the Defense of Marriage Act, it decreed that the federal government would not recognize same-sex marriages but took care not to impose that role on the states.

Marriage laws and, of course, divorce laws continue to be established by the states. They differ on many points, from age of consent to who may marry whom.

If Delaware, for example, decided to lower its age of consent to ten, no other state would be required to regard a ten-year-old as legally married.

The public-policy exception, as it is called, is only common sense. If each state could legislate for all the rest. American-style federalism would be at an end.

Because they choose to. Before the gay-marriage controversy arose, the country enjoyed a general consensus on the terms of marriage.

Interstate differences were so small that states saw no need to split hairs, and mutual recognition was a big convenience. The issue of gay marriage, of course, changes the picture, by asking states to reconsider an accepted boundary of marriage.

This is just the sort of controversy in which the Founders imagined that individual states could and often should go their separate ways. Paradoxically, the gay left and the antigay right have found themselves working together against the center.

They agree on little else, but where marriage is concerned, they both want the federal government to take over. Am I married or not? Portability is one of the things that make marriage different from civil union.

Public-policy exception and Defense of Marriage Act notwithstanding, the courts, not least the Supreme Court, do as they please, and lately they have signed on to the gay cultural agenda.

Besides, deciding on a state-by-state basis is impractical; the gay activists are right about that. The sheer inconvenience of dealing with couples who went in and out of matrimony every time they crossed state lines would drive states to the lowest common denominator, and gay marriages would wind up being recognized everywhere.

But both sides are asking the country to presume that the Founders were wrong and to foreclose the possibility that seems the most likely to succeed.

Gay-marriage supporters want a guarantee of full legal equality, and gay-marriage opponents want a guarantee that same-sex marriage will never happen at all.

But I can offer some reassurance. Is a state-by-state approach impractical and unsustainable? Possibly, but the time to deal with any problems is if and when they arise.

Going in, there is no reason to expect any great difficulty. There are many precedents for state-by-state action.

The country currently operates under a tangle of different state banking laws. As any banker will tell you, the lack of uniformity has made interstate banking more difficult.

But we do have interstate banks. Bankers long ago got used to meeting different requirements in different states. Similarly, car manufacturers have had to deal with zero-emission rules in California and a few other states.

Contract law, property law, and criminal law all vary significantly from state to state. Variety is the point of federalism.

Uniform national policies may be convenient, but they risk sticking us with the same wrong approach everywhere. My guess is that if one or two states allowed gay marriage, a confusing transitional period, while state courts and legislatures worked out what to do, would quickly lead in all but a few places to routines that everyone would soon take for granted.

It might refuse to recognize the marriages. It might recognize them. My fairly confident expectation is that initially most states would reject out-of-state gay marriages as, indeed, most states have preemptively done , but a handful would fully accept them, and others would choose an intermediate option.

For married gay couples, this variation would be a real nuisance. Pesky and, yes unfair or at least unequal.

And outside Maryland the line between being married and not being married would be blurred. They would know I had gone beyond cohabitation or even domestic partnership.

As a Jew, I may not recognize the spiritual authority of a Catholic priest, but I do recognize and respect the special commitment he has made to his faith and his community.

In much the same way, even out-of-state gay marriages would command a significant degree of respect. The damage that exclusion from marriage has done to gay lives and gay culture comes not just from being unable to marry right now and right here but from knowing the law forbids us ever to marry at all.

The first time a state adopted same-sex marriage, gay life would change forever. The full benefits would come only when same-sex marriage was legal everywhere.

Building consensus takes time. The nationwide imposition of samesex marriage by a federal court might discredit both gay marriage and the courts and the public rancor it unleashed might be at least as intense as that surrounding abortion.

For me personally, the pace set by a state-by-state approach would be too slow. It would be far from ideal. But it would be something much more important than ideal: Would a state-by-state approach inevitably lead to a nationwide court mandate anyway?

Many conservatives fear that the answer is yes, and they BORR. These days it is a fact of life that someone will sue over anything, that some court will hear any lawsuit, and that there is no telling what a court might do.

Still, I think that conservatives fears on this score are unfounded. Remember, all precedent leaves marriage to the states.

All precedent supports the public-policy exception. The current Supreme Court, moreover, has proved particularly fierce in resisting federal incursions into states rights.

We typically reserve constitutional prohibitions for imminent threats to liberty, justice, or popular sovereignty.

If we are going to get into the business of constitutionally banning anything that someone imagines the Supreme Court might one day mandate, we will need a Constitution the size of the Manhattan phone book.

Social conservatives have lost one cultural battle after another in the past five decades: They have seen that every federal takeover of state and local powers comes with strings attached.

And yet they are willing to risk federal intervention in matrimony. Not, I suspect, because they fear gay marriage would fail.

Rather, because they fear it would succeed. One of the conservative arguments against gay marriage is particularly revealing: But let me make a deeper point here.

As time went on, states without gay marriage might get used to the idea. They might begin to wave through other states same-sex marriages as a convenience for all concerned.

If that happened, however, it could only be because gay marriage had not turned out to be a disaster. It might even be because gay marriage was working pretty well.

This would not be contagion. Try something here or there. If it works, let it spread. If it fails, let it fade.

If you care about finding the best way forward for gay people and for society in a changing world, that posture is hard to justify.

One rationale goes something like this: In the s and early s some liberals were sure that reforming the welfare system to emphasize work would put millions of children out on the street.

Even trying welfare reform, they said, was irresponsible. The results were positive enough to spark a successful national reform.

Another objection cites not certain catastrophe but insidious decay. They are often subtle. Social scientists will argue until the cows come home about the positive and negative effects of gay marriage.

So states might adopt it before they fully understood the harm it did. States knew quite soon that welfare reforms were working better than the old program.

If same-sex marriage is going to cause problems, some of them should be apparent within a few years of its legalization. And notice how the terms of the discussion have shifted.

Now the anticipated problem is not sudden, catastrophic social harm but subtle, slow damage. Well there might be subtle and slow social benefits, too.

But more important, there would be one large and immediate benefit: If we are going to put the burden on gay people to prove that same-sex marriage would never cause even any minor difficulty, then we are assuming that any cost to heterosexuals, however small, outweighs every benefit to homosexuals, however large.

Of course there might be harmful and neutral effects as well. But the fact that the world is complicated is the very reason to run the experiment.

We can never know for sure what the effects of any public policy will be, so we conduct a limited experiment if possible and then decide how to proceed on the basis of necessarily imperfect information.

What are other examples? How can their immediate goals be the same when the long-term goals of these groups are completely at odds?

Rauch divides his argument into five sections. Section one is only two paragraphs long, while section four is seven times longer. Does such uneven development strengthen or weaken the essay?

What effect does this uneven development have on a reader? Why is any guarantee unlikely, if not impossible? Why is the issue of gay marriage such a divisive one for Americans?

How do history, religion, and economics fuel the fires of controversy that burn around this issue? For example, do the partners of gay students or employees receive health benefits?

Are they barred from receiving such benefits, either formally or informally? What other benefits and rights affect gay couples?

Hillbangers Prereading Question Gangs, as criminal organizations, have always existed in America, yet they were not perceived as a major, terrifying threat to social order until the s.

Books such as The Outsiders and movies such as The Warriors portrayed gangs as negative, certainly, but not in a way that was dangerous to anyone beyond gang members.

Why did this largely benevolent, harmless image of gangs in America change?

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Do you have any exams coming up? Could you ask her to call me? The second bomb was "detonated by Dzhokhar Tsarnaev" after he placed it in front of the Forum Restaurant.

That blast killed the little boy and the BU student, according to the indictment, and seriously injured dozens of others.

That blast killed five and wounded 19, according to police and health officials. But the new research shows that scenario is not accurate.

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Parcells, who coached Dallas and was an executive for the Dolphins in his final two NFL stops, walked through a line of players from both teams, pointing and exchanging barbs and smiles with them.

Will I get paid for overtime? Beyond her chambers manoeuvre the two most powerful and ambitious women in the country: Braun won his appeal and had his game suspension overturned then.

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By comparison, the Red Sox have had 19 total top picks and 36 in the top , while the Rays and Blue Jays have each had 16 picks in the top 50 and 37 in the top So, the best outcome hinges on the ability to see multiple, realistic opportunities and navigate among them, whether it comes to your career trajectory or your child's SAT score.

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As the economy expands, taxation — especially VAT and National Insurance both of which have a big impact on prices — can be reduced.

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Shields stymied the Indians, striking out 10 while scattering six hits in six innings. His only mistake scraped the right field fence for a solo home run, but the offense came to play as well and provided plenty of support.

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Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in July. The auditors'review of nearly two years of unemployment compensation claimsfound that 13 percent were likely fraudulent and another 36percent were highly questionable and required investigation.

Too Bad the President feels compelled to comment on criminal cases. From the gang bangers in Chicago that gunned down a girl - good student - waiting at a bus stop, to college profs getting arrested on their own front porch, to the Connecticutt school shooting, to the Treyvon killing.

When did it become Presidential to start monitoring and commenting on local crimes? Go back to presidents 20 years ago and farther back.

I don't remember Presidents dealing with local crimes. With the huge crime wave in the 's, they established the FBI and turned 'em loose on crime.

The Pres didn't feel compelled to make speeches about each major event, and there were many. However, incidence rates are now converging among white and African American women, particularly among women aged 50 years to 59 years.

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It's a bid to get Apple to return more money to shareholders Neither of these measures answers the questions of how the recapitalization would be funded, and how the losses would be allocated among debtors and creditors.

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Several refused to discuss it. Brian Cashman did not return two calls for comment, although the GM will hold a press conference on Tuesday to discuss the state of the team.

From to we gave the inactivated vaccine as well as the live-weakened one. Six million doses were administered in that period of time and not a single case of the disease was found, and that is why we do not fear it will happen this time.

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The decision to recruit nursing staff is a step in the right direction. Behind every statistic is a real family mourning the death of a loved one, which is why battles over statistics in these situations are so unseemly.

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But initial indications are that the government's evacuation of more than , people saved many lives. This is not somebody who is going to go AWOL.

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Today is a new chapter in the struggle that continues. The Iowa electorate has changed since then. There's enthusiasm — otherwise this room wouldn't be full of people excited about electing a woman.

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Fifteen minutes later, Carter called back to say the Vikings were the only other team to claim him and he was awarded to Minnesota because their worse record gave the Vikes priority.

Wallace Levy inappropriately rubbed a soldier's back to see if those in his training class would react. When no one did, he admonished them: Have you got any qualifications?

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The referendum was a fair poll in the same sense that the elections due to be held in Zimbabwe next Wednesday will be fair.

Evidence showed they were living in the U. The term marriage is so closely bound to religion and the church in this age that it presented a double-sided not easily won argument.

While openly gay Christians like Andrew Sullivan were at war with the church and marriage and sought to reconcile them, I believed the church to be something preposterous and not worthy of a progressive modern debate.

Clearly a graver threat to the republic than that of two dudes getting hitched in Hawaii or New Paltz. I thought the symbolic importance of Obama far outweighed the issue of gay marriage and even though I knew it was being funded by out of state Mormons and the media was often blaming churchgoing pro-Obama African Americans as one of the leading reasons for the failure to overturn the proposition, I knew the truth and the manipulation that framed this argument.

At any rate in the year since much has changed. And it gave me hope. It gave me the hope one day I could live my life openly as who I am and then maybe even I could even fall in love and one day get married.

I wanna thank my mom, who has always loved me for who I am even when there was pressure not to. But the Dustin Lance Black who took the stage today was less thankful and more forceful powerfully arguing that no major civil rights changes had ever been done without the intervention of the federal government that if left to the states very little would have changed for most marginalized peoples.

We must remember that it was the decision of the courts to legalize interracial marriage, the decision of a president to abolish slavery and the decision of another president to abolish segregation in the armed forces.

If any of these things had been left to individual states: We did not come here to demand partial equality.

We did not come here to leave some of our brothers and sisters behind, because now is the time for the LGBT movement to follow in the footsteps of every other successful movement and claim our dream and our dream sounds like this: We are here today to tell the world that the love in our heart is beautiful, it is true and is strong.

And now we must share that love, we must lift it up as a shining example of what is good and we must never let ourselves be ashamed for feeling that love.

That day is gone. That darkness has passed…. And standing here today it is clear that we have that will. And for the first time in my life I know longer any have any fear, or any shame and I have no doubt that in our lifetime our dream will be a reality and we will be free.

Perhaps if the Obama administration can seize this moment to fulfill its promise of an aggressive progressive agenda he will be buoyed into a second term and hand off his legacy to another game changing political dynamo and our first openly gay president.

Excellent article, great conversation, really enjoying it. I agree with Eric re: Emmanuel it may be important to consider that what he did not say about the importance of gays was more important than the politically motivated words that he did.

The Hitlers of our world ideally left nothing in their path that remotely disagreed, when they did they left a door open for revolt. Emmanuel seems to have left his doors open.

As always, thanks for being receptive to my enthusiasm and letting me be part of the discussion here. I realize that words are words, but words are pretty important under patriarchy.

That was an impressive performance by Mr. Despite this I recognize that for him to speak up for the sexual rights of anyone is to speak up for the sexual rights of everyone.

Obama certainly incarnates his opposition between the Sun and Damocloes. He is willing to take actual risks. Try it and see how it feels.

One of my problems with the Obama Administration is Rahm Emannuel… my ex-boyfriend was an attorney and worked for MoveOn. Vote for Sarah Pailin? Fe — Damn straight.

Love and tolerance can bridge wide chasms, heal deep wounds and help us cut to the chase of compassion. It is part us and part our leaders, like any relationship, that we have to cultivate, prod, provoke and argue with, fight with and for.

As much as the Emancipation Proclamation and the civil rights movement that has ensued and continued—has been a foundation for the change we have experienced these last five decades, its still a push-pull—that of relinquishing the fight and reclaiming it, particularly when times were rough and the forces worked against what we so truly wanted.

I keep wondering how different San Francisco would be had Harvey lived.

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